Workers World Party

Workers World Party (WWP) is a far-left political party in the United States, founded in 1959 by a group led by Sam Marcy.^[1] Marcy and his followers split from the Socialist Workers Party in 1958 over a series of long-standing differences, among them Marcy's group's support for Henry A. Wallace's Progressive Party in 1948, the positive view they held of the Chinese Revolution led by Mao Zedong, and their defense of the 1956 Soviet intervention in Hungary, all of which the SWP opposed.

WWP describes itself as a party that has, since its founding, "supported the struggles of all oppressed peoples". It has recognized the right of nations to self-determination, including the nationally oppressed peoples inside the United States. It supports affirmative action as necessary in the fight for equality. As well, it opposes all forms of racism and religious bigotry. Workers World and YAWF were noted for their consistent defense of the Black Panthers and the Weather Underground along with Vietnam Veterans Against the War and the Puerto Rican Independence movement. Workers World Party was also an early advocate of gay rights, and remains active in this area.

The WWP has published Workers World newspaper since 1959, a weekly since 1974.

History

The distant origins of the WWP go back to the Global Class War Tendency, led by Sam Marcy and Vincent Copeland, within the Socialist Workers Party. This group first crystallized during the presidential election of 1948 when they urged the SWP to back Henry Wallaces's Progressive Party campaign, rather than field their own candidates. Throughout the 1950s the GCWT expressed positions at odds with official SWP policy, categorizing the Korean War as a class, rather than imperialist, conflict; support of the People's Republic of China as a workers' state, if not necessarily supporting the Mao leadership; and supporting the suppression of the Hungarian Revolution by the Soviet Union in 1956.^[2]

The Global Class War Tendency left the SWP in early 1959. In their May day issue of their new periodical, its third number, the group proclaimed "We are THE Trotskyists. We stand 100% with all the principled positions of Leon Trotsky, the most revolutionary communist since Lenin". The sect appears to have organized officially as the Workers World Party in February 1960.^[3] At its inception the WWP was concentrated among among the "working class" in Buffalo, Youngstown, Seattle and New York. A youth organization, first known as the Anti-Fascist Youth Committee, and later as Youth Against War and Fascism was created in April 1962.^[4]

From the beginning both the WWP and the YAWF concentrated their energies on street demonstrations. Early campaigns focused on support of Patrice Lumumba, opposition to the House Un-American Activities Committee, and against racial discrimination in housing. The group claims to have conducted the first protest against American involvement in Vietnam on August 2, 1962. Their opposition to the war also included the tactics of "draft resistance" and "GI resistance". After organizing demonstrations at Fort Sill, Oklahoma in support of a soldier being tried for possessing anti-war literature, they founded the American Servicemens Union, intended to be a mass organization of American soldiers. However, the group was completely dominated by the WWP and YAWF.^[5]

During the late 1960s and 1970s the Party threw itself into protests for a number of other causes, including "defen[se] of the heroic black uprisings in Watts, Newark, Detroit, Harlem" and women's liberation. During the Attica Prison riot the rioters asked for a YAWF member, Tom Soto to present their grievances for them. The WWP was most successful in organizing demonstrations in support of desegregation "busing" in the Boston schools in 1975. Nearly 30,000 people attended the Boston March Against Racism, which they had organized. Also during the 1970s they attempted to begin work inside organized labor, but apparently were not very successful.^[6]

In 1980 the WWP began to participate in electoral politics, naming a presidential ticket, as well as candidates for New York Senate, congressional and state legislature seats. In California they ran their candidate, Deidre Griswold, for in the primary for the Peace and Freedom Party nomination. They came in last with 1,232 votes out of 9,092. In 1984 the WWP supported Jesse Jacksons bid for the Democratic nomination, but when he lost in the primaries they nominated their own presidential ticket, along with a handful of congressional and legislative nominees.^[7]

Ideological background and platform

While the party originally considered itself Trotskyist, is soon began to cease referring to Trotsky in their organ or to carry much, if any, Trotskyist literature. In its first decade the group leaned more to Maoism, while still considered itself to have "the kind of political independence that enables revolutionaries to speak up if they see that the cause is being damaged by the policies of the leadership of socialist countries." They supported the Peoples Republic of China on the issues of the 1959 Tibetan uprising and the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962, and endorsed both the Great Leap Forward and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, but criticized their characterization of the USSR as social imperialist, fearing that it would lead to Sino-American reproachment.^[8] The party was particularly attracted to Lin Biao, praising the inclusion of him in the preamble to the 1969 Chinese Constitution.^[9] They felt that the disappearance of Lin and his associates mark "the end of an entire stage of the Cultural Revolution." They grew increasingly critical of Communist China after 1971, especially their closer relations to the west and supported the "radical faction" within China that opposed this course. After the fall of the Gang of Four in 1976 they considered the Chinese leaders "reaction" and "attacking the revolutionary domestic achievements of the Mao era". By the mid 1980s the only trace of Trotskyist ideology still espoused by the WWP was the idea of the USSR and other Communist controlled countries as degenerated workers' states who had to be defended against imperialism even if their leaderships needed to be criticized.^[10]

Ideologically, the WWP is orthodox Marxist-Leninist. The Party's Trotskyist origins are reflected in much of Sam Marcy's early literature. However, Marcy also continued to uphold the USSR as a socialist state until the very end. When the Provisional Organizing Committee to Reconstitute a Marxist-Leninist Communist Party was formed, the WWP included a friendly headline directed to them, "Welcome, Comrades!" in Workers World newspaper. The Provisional Organizing Committee replied by telling them, "Trotskyism is Counter-Revolution and Nothing Else!". Following this, "virtually all mention of Trotsky vanished forever from its pages."^[11] These things led some individuals and organizations to accuse both Marcy and the party of being "Stalinist," yet the Party was never simply a "pro-Soviet" organization. They were never following the line of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union without discussions: Marcy was always critical of Stalin's leadership and the Party remains largely Trotskyist in many areas. Marcy also firmly criticized Khrushchev for starting the Sino-Soviet split and called for the unity of all of the socialist states at the time (i.e. the Warsaw Pact countries, China, Yugoslavia, Albania and the DPRK.[1] Their program of supporting all of the socialist states and calling for a united socialist bloc, rather than simply following the line of one of the large, ruling Communist parties (e.g. Chinese or Soviet), was part of what made the WWP unique during the Cold War era, and independence remains a defining trait of the Party. The ideological positions of Workers World Party developed through the theoretical analyses of Marcy and co-founder Vince Copeland over the course of 37 years - by 1998 they were both deceased. The Party hasn't strayed from the line in the years since, but longtime cadre and Secretariat member Fred Goldstein has proven to be a leading Marxist economics writer who builds upon the political theories that have always defined WWP. Today as always, the Party is much more involved with getting to know and build solidarity with ordinary working-class and oppressed peoples on the strength of constant activism than in debating. The relatively low priority given to recruitment during intermittent periods is due to a lack of time when various important actions are taking place rather than any view of elitism. WWP adheres strongly to the Leninst concept of a cadre membership but seeks to become a revolutionary mass party through Marxist political analysis as well as deep involvement in organizing movements and protests. The party platform includes guaranteed rights of work, housing, education; justice for oppressed social groups; release of political prisoners; and working class solidarity

Activities and organizational structure

The WWP has organized, directed or participated in many coalition organizations for various causes, typically anti-imperialist in nature. The International Action Center, which counts many WWP members as leading activists, founded the Act Now to Stop War and End Racism (ANSWER) coalition shortly after 9/11, and has run both the All People's Congress (APC) and the International Action Center (IAC) for many years. The APC and the IAC in particular share a large degree of overlap in their memberships with cadre in the WWP. In 2004, a youth group close to the WWP called Fight Imperialism Stand Together (FIST) was founded.

Workers World Party has regional branches in 20 major US cities. The Party receives donations and contributions as the source of its funding, while volunteers/cadres run the day to day operations of the Party. WWP is led by an internally elected secretariat. Currently, the Secretariat is made up of six people: Deirdre Griswold, Larry Holmes, Fred Goldstein, Monica Moorehead, Sara Flounders, and Teresa Gutierrez. The WWP has participated in presidential election campaigns since the 1980 election, though its effectiveness in this area is limited as it has not been able to get on the ballots of many states. The Party also has run some campaigns for other offices. One of the most successful was in 1990, when Susan Farquhar got on the ballot as a US Senate candidate in Michigan and received 1.3% of the vote. However, the Party's best result was in the 1992 Ohio US Senate election, when the WWP candidate received 6.7% of the vote, running against a Democrat and a Republican.^[12]

WWP and North Korea

Since 1959, the Workers World Party (WWP) has remained true to its founding and origins by continuing to encourage solidarity in fighting for socialism and against oppression.^[13] Today the WWP is actively Marxist-Leninist and continues Sam Marcy’s intention to apply communist ideology to contemporary, international issues. WWP is closely affiliated with International A.N.S.W.E.R. and International Action Center (IAC).^[14] These organizations consider themselves “peace” or “anti-war” movements, and are used to spread anti-American sentiment and encourage fighting against the “imperialistic” policies of the United States. “The rallies they organized are designed to influence American foreign policy favorably for their foreign dictator benefactors.”^[15]

A U.S. congressional review of the WWP by the House Committee on Internal Security, dated April 1974, details the international relationships and operational activities that WWP was currently engaged in at the time. This report shows the origins and development of the WWP and their connection to domestic and international groups, including North Korea and its leaders. The 1974 congressional report detailed WWP's international relationships and affliations: “Workers World has developed warm working relationships with many organizations representing the national liberation struggles of oppressed people. These include the Carlos Feliciano Defense Committee, the Humberto Pagan Defense Committee, and the Puerto Rican Socialist Party; the Arab Liberation Front, the Iranian Students Association, the Popular Front for the Liberation of the Arab Gulf, the Eritreans for Liberation, the Ethiopian NLF, the Organization for Arab students, the Committee to Support the Revolution in the Gulf, the Democratic Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DPF), the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen. We have also met a number of times since 1965 with representatives of the National Liberation Front on South Vietnam and the DRV to express our solidarity.”^[16]

One of the front organizations of the WWP during this time was the American Servicemen’s Union (ASU).^[17] This congressional study documented the visit of chairman of ASU, Andy Stapp, to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 1971 with the intent to open friendly discussions with the party.^[18] Before becoming a prominent activist, Stapp was a private in the U.S. army at Fort Sill, Oklahoma where he was court-martialed for his anti-war views and demonstrations.^[19] Deirdre Griswold told the Cuban Communists in July 1972, that Stapp’s visit to Communist North Korea was an example of the “International Relationships” maintained by the Workers World Party.^[20] During his time in North Korea, Stapp was one of the signers of a statement broadcast over Radio Pyongyang on July 23, 1971, which read, “We saw an abnormal situation where the people in the northern half of the republic are enjoying happiness under the advanced socialist system to their heart’s [sic] content but are unable to share it with the fellow countrymen of South Korea within a calling distance due to the U.S. imperialists occupation of South Korea. We cannot keep down burning hatred and wrath against the U.S. imperialist aggressors.” ^[21]

Radio Pyongyang is a radio station owned by the government of North Korea and is currently called Voice of Korea. On June 24, 1971, Radio Pyongyang broadcast a speech given by Andy Stapp to the 6th Congress of the League of Socialist Working Youth of Korea, the official North Korean Communist youth organization. Stapp starts his speech with this declaration, “On behalf of the entire membership of the American Servicemen’s Union, I’d like to avail myself of this opportunity to extend the greatest honor and thanks to the great leader of the 40 million Korean people, Comrade Kim Il-song, ever-victorious, iron-willed, brilliant commander and outstanding leader of the international communist and working-class movements, who has shown such a warm solicitude as to invite me to the congress and make it possible for me to stand on this high rostrum.” ^[22] In the same speech, Stapp continues to express his indignation against US imperialism and encourages the reading of “the works of genius of Marshal Kim Il-song [sic], outstanding Marxist-Leninist of present times, books which contain the basic positions, attitudes, strategy, and tactics that should be adopted by revolutionaries in any country or in any part of the world.” ^[23] In closing, Stapp promised to return to America and “share with my comrades the great chuche idea that they may be aroused to struggle more vigorously against the U.S. policy of aggression.” ^[24] Kim Sung Il was regarded by the WWP and its front organizations as the great leader of modern times, and their closest friend and instructor, who was able to guide the WWP in their struggle for solidarity.

It was the aim of the WWP to build a multi-national organization, without compromising its principles of self-determination.^[25] To this date, the WWP still cultivates its international relationships and efforts. The WWP has not stopped adamantly supporting North Korea. The WWP maintains its role as a vocal and strong advocate for Kim Jong Il and the legacy of his father, and the nation of North Korea. In 1994, Sam Marcy sent a letter to Comrade Kim Jong Il expressing his condolences on behalf of the WWP with the passing of his father Kim Il Sung. Marcy’s letter affirms that the Workers World Party values their close relationship with Workers Party of Korea and considers Kim Il Sung a great leader and comrade in the international communist movement.^[26] In the letter Marcy wrote that it was U.S. imperialism that “tried at every opportunity to blockade, threaten, and sabotage the construction of socialism in the north, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea stands strong.”^[27]

Since its inception, the WWP has continued to work through front organizations to accomplish its goals. WWP can be considered the parent organization to Ramsey Clark’s International Action Center (IAC), which was originally set up to oppose U.S. invasion of Iraq. WWP worked through IAC in founding the A.N.S.W.E.R. coalition, only a few days after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2011, in opposition to the U.S. invasion in Afghanistan.^[28] All three organizations stand in solidarity to the plight of North Korea against the "imperialist aggressor", the United States.

Sam Marcy was more than just the founder and figurehead of WWP, his influence and involvement was instrumental in the development of WWP. Currently, an important figurehead worth noting is Brian Becker, who seems to have become indispensible to WWP and its front organizations. Brian Becker is the national coordinator of International A.N.S.W.E.R. and the IAC and is also a member of the Secretariat of the WWP.^[29] Brian Becker spends extensive time in North Korea and was elected vice-chairman of the Committee of the International Liaison for Reunification and Peace in Korea (CILRECO).^[30] In 2001, Brian Becker traveled with IAC’s Ramsey Clark to Pyongyang, the capital of North Korea, where they held a news conference to denounce the United States for 50 years of “war crimes” against Korea.^[31] After the trip to Pyongyang, the IAC sponsored the Korean Truth Commission International War Crimes Tribunal where Becker served as the tribunal's co-coordinator.^[32]

In December 2000, Becker addressed the WWP at a conference in New York stating the ultimate goal of WWP and its front groups: "We know that the biggest single contribution that we can we make to the final transition to socialism everywhere is to build a truly revolutionary party that can lead the struggle to overthrow imperialism at its center."^[33] This begs the question: Where does the WWP consider the center of imperialism?

Disagreement with other leftists

Not all groups, organizations and parties on the radical left agree with WWP's political positions or tactics. This is seen in disagreements over analysis of whether or not a particular country is socialist (e.g. Cuba, North Korea or the People's Republic of China) and also positions historically held by the Party (e.g., support for Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, Czechoslovakia and Hungary). It is also seen in disagreements over WWP calls for solidarity with governments that it sees as being socialist, anti-imperialist, or any country facing the threat of being attacked by the United States. WWP also faces opposition from ideological groups that are critical of other Marxist-Leninist and Trotskyist parties. On the political left, this criticism comes from anarchists, social democrats and the liberal left. The political right is also often opposed to any communist party or socialist organization. When the WWP was playing a role in organizing anti-war protests before the US attack on Iraq in 2003, many newspapers and TV shows attacked the WWP specifically.^[34]

Splits

In 1968 the WWP absorbed a small faction of the Spartacist League that had worked with it in the Coalition for an Anti-Imperialist Movement called the Revolutionary Communist League. This group left the WWP in 1971 as the New York Revolutionary Committee. The NYRCs newspaper provided rare details about the internal functioning of the group that have subsequently been used by scholars as a primary source. The NYRC later reconsitituted as the Revolutionary Communist League (Internationalist).^[35]

In 2004,^[36] the WWP suffereed it's most serious split when close to a hundred members of WWP left to form the Party for Socialism and Liberation. The ANSWER coalition aligned itself with the PSL and Workers World Party then founded the Troops Out Now Coalition. The split included many of the top leaders of the WWP which included most of the membership of the WWP on the West Coast.

To date, neither party has officially given any reason for the split. PSL maintains a nearly identical political line.

Presidential Tickets

^[37]

References

Further reading

• Roots of the Workers World Party by Ken Lawrence, Marxmail Discussion List. January 1999. Retrieved April 12, 2005.
• Politics 1 Guide to US Political parties contains brief entry on WWP.
• "A Clarification on Sam Marcy and Henry Wallace" correspondence on the early history of the Global Class War tendency
• "Peace Activists" with a Secret Agenda Part Three: Stealth Trotskyism and the Mystery of the WWP“ by Kevin Coogan

Prominent Members

• Leslie Feinberg, author.

External links

• Workers World newspaper
• Workers World Party homepage
• Fight Imperialism - Stand Together, Youth group affiliated with Workers World Party
• Troops Out Now Coalition
• Left Books - WWP bookstore and publishing house
• The global class war and the destiny of American labor by Sam Marcy New Haven, CT : Distributed by Revolutionary Communist League (Internationalist), 1979 (a foundational document of the "Global Class War tendency")
• The class character of the Hungarian uprising : proposed resolution on the class character of the Hungarian uprising : November 3, 1956 by V. Grey New York, reissued by Workers World, 1959 (another foundational document of the "Global Class War tendency")